Talk Talk Talk Talk Talk Myself to Death: Iraq Again [UPDATED]

Monday, October 30, 2006

Iraq Again [UPDATED]

I'm very late getting to Frank Rich's Sunday column today--it's already early Monday morning, for God's sake, but my offline life has just been too busy lately. Damn you, offline life! But regardless of the things I do when I'm not blogging, here we are, with this week's installment of Frank Rich, "Dying to Save the G.O.P. Congress."

This time around, Mr. Rich goes back to our misbegotten situation in Iraq. He shows that the Bushies are basically going back on most everything they claimed they would never do. American Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad and General George W. Casey Jr., were this week talking about timetables (Rich points out that it's been timelines the Bushies have been against, not necessarily timetables), giving Iraq a good twelve months. But then he points why that doesn't quite work:

If there really is light at the end of the tunnel, why after three and a half years can't we yet guarantee light in Baghdad? Symbolically enough, television transmission of the Khalilzad-Casey press conference was interrupted by another of the city's daily power failures. If Iraq's leaders had signed on to the 12-month plan of "benchmarks" the Americans advertised, why were those leaders nowhere in sight? We found out one day later, when the prime minister, Nuri al-Maliki, mocked the very idea of an America-imposed timetable. "I am positive that this is not the official policy of the American government, but rather a result of the ongoing election campaign," he said, adding dismissively, "And that does not concern us much."

Give the Iraqi leader credit for a Borat-like candor that almost every American in this sorry tale lacks. Of course all the White House's latest jabberwocky about "benchmarks" and "milestones" and "timetables" (never to be confused with those Defeatocrats' "timelines") is nothing more than an election-year P.R. strategy, as is the laughable banishment of "stay the course." There is no new American plan to counter the apocalypse now playing out in Iraq, only new packaging to pacify American voters between now and Nov. 7. And recycled packaging at that: President Bush had last announced that he and Mr. Maliki were developing "benchmarks" to "measure progress" in Iraq back in June.

The Prez is downplaying the situation for nothing more than to hold on to as much power for his party as possible. He's got nothing to offer, but he has to look like everything's actually under control.

Our troops are held hostage by the White House's political imperatives as much as they are by the violence. Desperate to maintain the election-year P.R. ruse that an undefined "victory" is still within reach, Mr. Bush went so far at Wednesday's press conference as to say that "absolutely, we're winning" in Iraq. He explained his rationale to George Stephanopoulos last weekend, when he asserted that the number of casualties was the enemy's definition of success or failure, not his.
"I define success or failure as to whether or not the Iraqis will be able to defend themselves," the president said, and "as to whether the unity government" is making the "difficult decisions necessary to unite the country."

Unfortunately, the war is a calamity by both of those definitions as well. The American command's call for a mere 3,000 more Iraqi troops to help defend Baghdad has gone unanswered. As we’ve learned from Operation Together Forward, when Iraqis do stand up, violence goes up. And when American and British troops stand down, murderous sectarian militias, some of them allied with that "unity" government, fill the vacuum, taking over entire cities like Amara and Balad in broad daylight. As for those "difficult decisions" Mr. Bush regards as so essential, the Iraqi government's policy is cut and run. Mr. Maliki is not cracking down on rampaging militias but running interference for their kingpin, Moktada al-Sadr. Mr. Maliki treats this radical anti-American Shiite cleric, his political ally, with far more deference than he shows the American president.

The ultimate chutzpah is that Mr. Bush, the man who sold us Saddam's imminent mushroom clouds and "Mission Accomplished," is trivializing the chaos in Iraq as propaganda. The enemy's "sophisticated" strategy, he said in last weekend’s radio address, is to distribute "images of violence" to television networks, Web sites and journalists to "demoralize our country."

This is a morally repugnant argument. The "images of violence" from Iraq are not fake — like, say, the fiction our government manufactured about the friendly-fire death of Pat Tillman or the upbeat news stories the Pentagon spends millions of dollars planting in Iraqi newspapers today. These images of violence are real. Americans really are dying at the fastest pace in at least a year, and Iraqis in the greatest numbers to date. To imply that this carnage is magnified by the news media, whether the American press or Al Jazeera, is to belittle the gravity of the escalated bloodshed and to duck accountability for the mismanagement of the war.

As always, he's got much more than I'm quoting here. The whole thing's worth your time. And this week, you can see it outside the NYTimes subscription curtain courtesy of Wealthy Frenchman.

UPDATE--It was so late last night when I was writing this that I forgot to remind Chicago-area readers that Frank Rich will be at the Harold Washington Library Center tonight (Monday) at 6:00 for a free lecture. Click for details, but be prepared to scroll down.

2 Comments:

At 10:10 PM, October 30, 2006, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Iraqi blood is never shed or spilled; it is liberated.

 
At 10:41 PM, October 30, 2006, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Last week I got into a discussion with a someone about the death penalty and torture (she was all for them). It wasn't so much a discussion as my response to her assertion that they were a good thing. What really got me was the person didn't seem to have any sort of overt violent tendencies, and they went to church regularly. I seemed to be able to best change her mind by pointing out instances where non-violent means of improving the human condition were ignored, and then using them to call into question the motives of those who would resort to murder and torture to better society.

 

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